American Civil War
|American Civil War|
|Secession Begun||December 20, 1860|
|Hostilities Begun||April 12, 1861|
|Confederate Surrender||April 9, 1865|
|Hostilities End||May 12, 1865|
"The Union" or U.S.A.
"The Confederacy" or C.S.A.
|U.S. Military Commanders
||C.S. Military Commanders|
|Battles and Events of 1861|
The American Civil War, arguably the most traumatic event in the history of the United States, was fought from 1861 to 1865, the culmination of sectional issues which deeply divided the country between a pro-Federal government North and a pro-states rights, pro-slavery South, whose eleven states formed a breakaway government called the Confederate States of America. The costliest war in terms of human lives, the American Civil War claimed in excess of 620,000 battle or disease-related deaths - roughly two percent of the country's total population, and nearly more deaths than all other American wars combined.
North and South
The line between North and South, geographically at least, was the line established by Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon between Pennsylvania and Maryland westward to the Ohio River. On both sides of the line the country was typically-rural; small towns and hamlets were the norm, and farms large and small dotted the countryside. But that is where similarities end.
The South's economy was predominantly based in agriculture on general, and on cotton in particular. Growing in amount since the turn of the 19th century, Southern cotton had by the 1830's exceeded the amount grown in all other places in the world; by 1849 the number of bales exported was 2 million, and ten years later the amount jumped to 5.9 million. Cotton was by the start of the Civil War more than half of all American exports and seven-eighths of the total amount of cotton in the world. (TL 1, pg 10)
The wealth cotton brought, as well as Southern politics, was controlled by the owners of large plantations, a small minority of well-to-do planters. Some of their profits went back into the plantations, either to purchase new land for expansion, maintain the buildings, or feed and clothe the slaves who worked them. Much of their money went into education or leisure; horse racing was popular throughout the South, and several plantations – principally in Kentucky and Tennessee – were among the first breeders of thoroughbred and walking horses in the country. It was common for a planter to send a son to college, especially if the college was a military academy. West Point in New York was high on the list, but the South boasted of several as well – among them the Virginia Military Institute and the Citadel, which are still opened today - and many of the students received educations as good or better than private colleges. But very few would make a career out of the military after their time at the academies were done, opting to return to private life after graduation, or resigning their commissions after a few short years. One Mississippi planter, Jefferson Davis, remarked that only in the South "did a gentlemen go to a military academy who did not intend to follow the profession of arms." (TL 1, pg 12)
Southern planters practiced a cultivated chivalry. They fancied themselves the heirs of the knights of old, displaying a code of honor among equals, gallantry towards white women, and kindness - marked with superiority at times - with inferiors (TL 1, pg 12).
By contrast the North was a marked by a population that prized hard work. Immigrants or descendents of immigrants brought with them a work ethic that required a “do it yourself” attitude; this translated into a great deal of manufacturing and free trade. At roughly the same time, the Industrial Revolution spread from Europe to the northern states; factories were being built at almost breakneck speed, producing machines, tools, shoe peggers, looms, farm equipment, locomotives and railroad cars, and the rails they rode on; by the middle of the century 70% of railroad track was set down north of the Ohio River. John Deere would invent a plow made from stainless steel, and his easily-manufactured creation opened up the rich farmlands of the Midwest to the point that by 1857 it became the country's largest wheat-producing area. Farm equipment also included the first examples of steam-powered plows, and in 1859 there were contests as to who could build and deploy the best plow. A contest at Freeport, Illinois caused an official committee to declare the machine could "plow 25 acres a day at 62.5 cents an acre" versus a normal manual charge of $2.50 an acre. (Nevins, pg 166-168)
Weapons manufacturing increased; rifles and pistols were being produced under the new “American system”, as the British called the creation of standardized spare parts for easy repair and replacement. One state - Massachusetts - had twenty-seven gun manufacturers.
Largely agrarian, the South was left far behind in when industrialization and the explosion in population took over the North, but Southerners didn't care. “We want no manufactures,” said an Alabama politician; “we desire no trading, no mechanical or manufacturing classes. As long as we have our rice, our sugar, our tobacco, and our cotton, we can command wealth to purchase all we want.” But one invention they did trade the North for. In 1793 Eli Whitney patented his cotton gin, a device in which the cotton was separated from the boll by means of a mesh screen, as well as the means of increasing the weekly bales of cotton to over 1,000 per week; prior to the gin, it was a slow process by hand, giving a planter 100 bales a week if he was lucky. The increase in the number of bound cotton bales to market at faster rates enabled planters to increase their cotton crops to two or three per season, thus increasing their wealth.
To get their cotton harvested, baled, and sold, Southern planters required that other commodity which was thought to be headed on the road to extinction until ironically rescued by Whitney's invention, the “peculiar institution” that the South couldn't be without: African slaves.
Just a few years after the first successful English settlements are established in Virginia, a Dutch trader brings the first African-born slaves to the colony in 1619, and over the next two centuries the number of slaves and the need for them gradually increases as much of the South is put under the plow. By the period of the American Revolution (1775-1783) slavery had been relatively-confined to to the South, as much manpower was required to harvest the large crops on the plantations. But by 1800 many assumed that the institution was dying out; times were changing, and a new nation - the United States - was created under the proposition that "all men are created equal". Several of the Founding Fathers owned slaves and admitted needing them, despite their statements that slavery was a "monstrous system"; Thomas Jefferson had hoped that slavery would drift on a gradual course towards extinction, while George Washington set an example that he had hoped others would follow: he set his free upon the death of himself (1799) and his wife (1802), while providing an endowment to support them for the remainder of their lives. The cotton gin changed everything, and the jump in cotton crops brought the demand for more slaves to harvest them. As the years went by since Washington's and Jefferson's deaths the South began to rationalize it less as an evil and more of an economic necessity; so ingrained into the fabric had slavery become that Vice President John C. Calhoun was to say in 1838:
- "many in the South once believed that slavery was a moral and political evil. That folly and delusion are gone. We see it now in its true light, and regard it as the most safe and stable basis for free institutions in the world." (TL 1, pg 40)
Slaves for the most part were treated brutally. Born in bondage, a slave usually began his first work in the fields at the age of twelve. They would work in the fields from the light of day until, in the words of a Louisiana slave, "until it is too dark to see, and when the moon is full, they often labor until the middle of the night" (TL, pg 48). They were fed and clothed poorly, usually in rags; shoes were uncommon, and they only dressed in finer material when they were either house slaves - those fortunate enough to serve the master from within the main house - or set upon the auction block, where they were examined by potential buyers as if they were buying a horse. Disease was rampant; only four out of 100 lived past age 60. Absolute subservience to whites was enforced. Slaves who created hostility or revolt - as Gabriel Prosser did in 1800 and Nat Turner in 1831 - were quickly caught and hung, with laws and regulations tightened regarding slave movements and control. Punishment for other infractions was severe, involving stocks, pronged metal neck collars, and multiple whippings where salt water was used to clear infection, with the resulting pain so excruciating a slave recollecting it wrote "the flesh crawls upon my bones" (TL 1, pp 49-58).
But such punishments never deterred those who wanted freedom. Many would make their way north by following a circuitous route called the Underground Railroad; some would find freedom in Canada, while others would stop somewhere in the northern states, fearful of the new Fugitive Slave Laws which were implemented in several cities. And while this was going on, Abolition movements were springing to life in the North; the South, feeling more and more isolated, was digging in, and politicians were creating laws and compromises in an attempt to stave off a potential conflict. Territories had been added to the country, and it became a priority for one side to restrict slavery into them, and for the other side to push it.
Political machinations and compromises
The Missouri Compromise (1820) allowed for the entry of Maine into the Union as a free state, and Missouri as a slave state. It was further agreed that slavery was to be excluded from territory north of the 36°30′ parallel, or the remaining western territories. Before admission could be granted to Missouri a clause in the state's constitution provoked controversy: the exclusion of "free Negroes and mulattoes". Under Whig Henry Clay's influence in the U.S. Senate, an act of admission was passed, upon condition that the controversial exclusionary clause should "never be construed to authorize the passage of any law" impairing the privileges and immunities of free citizens. The compromise seemed deliberately ambiguous in that it could be interpreted to indicate that free blacks and mulattoes did not qualify as United States citizens, which would be put to direct test years later with a slave named Dred Scott. 
Another crisis arose from the request of the California Territory to be admitted to the Union as a free state; this was complicated by territory acquired in the southwest as a result of the Mexican War of 1848 and whether to extend slavery there. An omnibus bill drafted by Henry Clay called the Compromise of 1850 tried to give satisfaction to the southern states in addition to California's admission; the settlement of the Texas-New Mexico border dispute; the slavery question open for voting via popular sovereignty in the Utah and New Mexico territories as they were organized; the end of slave trading in the District of Columbia; and tough requirements concerning runaway slaves. 
All five measures were enacted in September, 1850 as a result of the efforts and support of Democratic senator Stephen A. Douglas and Whig senator Daniel Webster, and were accepted by moderates throughout the country. These measures may have had the effect of postponing Southern secession for another decade, but the seeds of discord were planted; the precedent of popular sovereignty, championed by Douglas as the way for the public to vote whether or not they wanted slavery in their territories, led to the Kansas territory agitating for a similar provision. And the Fugitive Slave Act that was a part of the Compromise was so bitterly condemned that many moderates who had ignored slavery in the past became determined opponents to any extension of the institution into the territories. Many would risk jail rather than turn over runaway slaves to their owners as required by the new laws.
The Kansas–Nebraska Act (May 30, 1854), sponsored by Douglas, provided for the territorial organization of Kansas and Nebraska, using his principle the idea of popular sovereignty. Douglas had written the act in an effort to slow or halt the sectarianism over slavery's extension, but the Kansas-Nebraska Act merely increased the flames, and was attacked by free-soilers and abolitionists as a capitulation to those who supported slavery. The Whig Party, ineffective in preventing it, largely disintegrated, and the Republican Party was born and soon became a viable political organization opposed to territorial expansion of slavery.
On the heels of the act a large number of people left Missouri and sought to influence elections in the Kansas Territory. "Border Ruffians", as they were called, entered Kansas and cast thousands of illegal votes resulting in a pro-slave government that Democratic president Franklin Pierce recognized, and continued doing so even after it was ruled illegitimate by a congressional investigative committee. The territory's actual residents set up their own legislature and created the Topeka Constitution; Pierce declared their endeavors an act of rebellion, and he went so far as to send in Federal troops to break it up.
The Border Ruffians also stirred up violence between themselves and the Free-Staters, which became known as Bleeding Kansas, beginning with the burning of a hotel and printing press in Lawrence on May 21, 1856. Several days later an anti-slavery religious fanatic named John Brown and a few followers retaliated against five pro-slavery men, hacking them to death with broadswords near Pottawatomie Creek. By August thousands of men had formed into pro-slavery armies and marched into Kansas, expecting to force the territory to accept slavery. That same month a small, pitched battle occurred near the city of Osawatomie; 300 pro-slavery soldiers under the command of John W. Reid fought against Brown and 40 men. Brown lost the battle and Osawatomie was looted and burned. A fragile peace led by a new territorial governor would commence only when Brown and his men left the territory. 
The day after the Free State Hotel in Lawrence was burned, a South Carolina congressman named Preston Brooks, incensed over an anti-slavery speech given by Massachusetts Senator Charles Sumner, walked onto the senate floor and beat him with a cane so severely that Sumner took three years to recover. 
Dred Scott decision
Dred Scott was owned by an Army physician who was transferred to the state of Wisconsin, a free state, for several years before a transfer to Missouri, a slave state. Scott sued on the grounds that his residence in a free state where slavery was illegal made him free. After a series of unsuccessful lawsuits, Scott appealed to the United States Supreme Court, where in 1856, Chief Justice Roger B. Taney delivered the majority opinion in Dred Scott vs. Sanford:
- Blacks were not entitled to citizenship according to the U.S. Constitution.
- Blacks were not entitled to freedom under the Ordinance of 1797 while within the area of the Northwest Territory, of which Wisconsin was a part.
- The Missouri Compromise of 1820 prohibiting slavery north of Missouri and in free states was voided.
What the Dred Scott decision meant was any slave could be taken anywhere in the Union without fear that the owner of the slave would lose his property; a slave was private property, Taney stated, and according to the Fifth Amendment could not be taken from the owner without due process. 
The decision further deteriorated North/South relations, as a stunned North realized that free states had to support the institution of slavery.
Emergence of Lincoln
The Kansas-Nebraska Act attracted much opposition in the country and led to splitting of the Democrats along the Mason-Dixon line (Douglas in the ensuing years tried desperately to keep it together) as well as the collapse of the Whig Party as an effective political organization. Many former Whigs, whose beliefs included the abolishment of slavery, flocked to the newly-formed Republican Party; their number would include a lawyer from Illinois who used the act to jump back into politics after a five-year absence, Abraham Lincoln.
Lincoln was nominated for the Senate seat held by Douglas at the Republican State Convention in Springfield on June 16, 1858. The acceptance speech he gave has been called the "House Divided" speech, after the opening lines:
- If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved -- I do not expect the house to fall -- but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new -- North as well as South. 
August through October, 1858 saw seven Illinois towns witness the Lincoln-Douglas debates; Douglas the national figure defending the choice of voters whether to accept slavery or not, and the little-known Lincoln taking a stand against slavery on political, social, and moral grounds. Douglas never wavered from defending popular sovereignty, and he also played on the voters' fears of black integration. Stating blacks were inferior to whites, he appealed to racists by declaring that the government was "established upon the white basis. It was made by white men, for the benefit of white men." (TL 1, pg 106). Lincoln on the other hand knew Douglas was in a war of his own with President Franklin Buchanan's administration over acceptance of the Kansas constitution which barred slavery from the state, further alienating Southern Democratic support; the fear was that Douglas would be more appealing to moderate Republicans in the east. Lincoln's strategy therefore was to point out and use the vast difference between the moral indifference to slavery as embodied by Douglas's popular sovereignty, and the moral wrong that slavery actually was as embodied by Republican opposition to it. Douglas was, Lincoln insisted, a man who did not care whether slavery was "voted up or voted down."
Douglas retained his Senate seat, but by a narrow margin. Lincoln, however, won the debates, which thrust him into the national spotlight and put him on the road to the White House.
John Brown at Harpers Ferry
During the spring of 1858, John Brown held a meeting in Ontario between blacks and whites in which he stated his intentions to form a stronghold in the mountains between Virginia and Maryland for escaped slaves, even going so far as to adopt his own provisional constitution for the United States, which his group adopted. Several prominent Boston abolitionists also gave him financial and moral support.
By summer, 1859, Brown was in a rented farmhouse in Maryland, across the river from the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry, Virginia; with him was an armed band of sixteen whites and five blacks. On the night of October 16, he raided the armory and took some sixty of the area's leading men as hostages, and hoped that slaves would get word of his forming an "army of emancipation", escape, and fight with him to liberate their fellow slaves. For the next thirty hours he and his men held out against the local militia, but on the following morning a small force of United States Marines led by Army colonel Robert E. Lee quickly broke into the arsenal building, wounding Brown, and killing two of his sons and ten other followers. He was tried for murder, slave insurrection, and treason, and at the end he was convicted and hanged. The day he was to die he spoke no last words, merely handing a note to a guard on which he had written a last, prophetic statement: "I, John Brown, am now quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood." (TL 1, pp. 70-89)
Ever fearful of a slave insurrection, the South became tougher on its slaves. In Washington, Senator Jefferson Davis assumed, like many others, that the North was behind a conspiracy involving John Brown and others like him, aimed at abolishing slavery. He said in a speech:
- The Government is no longer to intervene in favor of protection for our slaves. We may be robbed of our property, and the General Government will not intervene for our protection. When the Government gets into the hands of the Republican party, the arm of the General Government, we are told, will not be raised for the protection of our slave property. Then intervention in favor of slavery and slave States will no longer be tolerated. We may be invaded, and the Black Republican Government will stand and permit our soil to be violated and our people assailed and raise no arm in our defense. The sovereignty of the State is no longer to be a bar to encroachments upon our rights when the Government gets into Black Republican hands. Then John Brown, and a thousand John Browns, can invade us, and the Government will not protect us. 
Many in the North held a different view. Brown was a martyr for abolition. The great orator Frederick Douglas, a freed slave himself who was never afraid to confront the evils of the South's "peculiar institution", perhaps offered the best assessment of Brown:
- His zeal in the cause of freedom was infinitely superior to mine. Mine was as the taper light, his was as the burning sun. Mine was bounded by time. His stretched away to the silent shores of eternity. I could speak for the slave. John Brown could fight for the slave. I could live for the slave. John Brown could die for the slave. 
1860 Presidential campaign
In April, 1860, the Democratic Party held its convention in Charleston, South Carolina, and the first platform placed for a vote is pro-slavery. When it is rejected in the course of voting, delegates from eight states in the South walk out; the remaining delegates are forced to adjourn when they cannot agree on a candidate to represent their party in the White House. (Bowman, pg. 40)
The Republicans hold their convention in Chicago in May, 1860, and Lincoln is nominated on the third ballot; he had to stand as a moderate on the slavery issue in order to gain the nomination. The party's platform insists on leaving slavery alone in the states where it already existed and against the spread of it into the territories. (Bowman, pg 40)
The Democrats reconvene their convention in Baltimore, Maryland, in June. Stephen Douglas is nominated for the presidency after the Southern delegates walk out again; they would hold their own convention later in Balitmore and nominate Vice-President John C. Breckenridge on a platform calling for the right to slavery. (Bowman, pg. 40)
The election centered on sectionalism and slavery, with each candidate doing little more than fanning the fears of the voters; Douglas would be the only one to travel the country personally, including all Southern states, but the split within his party was too great to make a difference. Lincoln went on to win the election, with 180 electoral votes, and 40% of the popular votes, none of which included a Southern state. Breckenridge placed second, winning 72 electoral votes, and 24% of the popular vote. John C. Bell, a candidate for the Constitutional Union Party (made up of former Whigs and former members of a nativist American party derisively called "Know Nothings"), took the states of Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee. Last was Douglas, barely managing Missouri, and three out of seven electoral votes from New Jersey. Southern leaders speak openly about secession within days of Lincoln's victory. (Bowman, pg 40; Nat. Atlas)
By December of 1860, both houses of Congress were working on proposals for compromises that would postpone the split they knew was coming. John J. Crittenden of the Senate committee introduced a proposal that would restore the Missouri Compromise by extending the northern boundary line across the continent to the Pacific, as well as preventing Congress or a Constitutional amendment from ever abolishing slavery. The Crittenden Compromise, as well as the others, came down to a vote, but events would prove it was too late. Most of President Buchanan's cabinet, long angered at him (and his predecessor, Democrat Franklin Pierce) for not standing up to Southern demands which were tearing the country apart, walked out in protest; the latest outrage occurred when a delegation from South Carolina arrived at the White House and demanded the removal of Federal troops from the state (Buchanan rejects it). And President-elect Lincoln, although trying to be careful regarding the slavery issue, is insistent that slavery not be expanded into the territories. (Bowman, pg. 41)
On December 20, 1860, the South Carolina government votes to secede from the Union. Within days they begin war preparations, and seize Federal property. By the end of the month Major Robert Anderson spiked the cannon and removed the force stationed at Fort Moultrie in Charleston Harbor; nearby Fort Sumter is considered more defensible, and he places the force there. Aware of Anderson's condition, President Buchanan orders reinforcements sent, and he orders the Navy to ready USS Brooklyn for that purpose in Norfolk; she would be replaced days later by General Winfield Scott's preference for a non-Naval supply ship, Star of the West.
On January 6, 1861, Florida troops take the Federal arsenal at Apalachicola. Fort Marion at St. Augustine is seized on the 7th. On the 9th, the Star of the West was fired upon as she neared Charleston, causing her to turn around and head back to Norfolk. That same day public celebrations erupt in Mississippi as the state legislature votes 84-15 to secede.
- January 10, Florida votes 67-2 to secede.
- January 11, Alabama votes 69-31 to secede.
- January 19, Georgia votes 208-89 to secede.
- January 26, Louisiana votes 114-17 to secede.
- February 1, Texas votes 166-7 to secede.
On February 4th, a peace convention meets in Washington, headed by former President John Tyler. The 131 members from 21 states (none from the South) work out a last, desperate compromise to save the Union. Speaking to the delegates, Tyler implores that "the eyes of the whole country are turned to this assembly, in expectation and hope." The convention ends in failure. (Bowman, pg. 45)
In Montgomery, Alabama, a provisional congress assembles and draws up a constitution by the end of the week; this document is essentially the United States Constitution, but mildly altered to include provisions for states' rights and protection for slavery:
- The importation of Negroes of the African race from any foreign country other than the slaveholding States or territories of the United States of America, is hereby forbidden; and Congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same. Congress shall also have power to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any State not a member of, or territory not belonging to, this Confederacy.
- The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it. No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law, or law denying or impairing the right of property in Negro slaves, shall be passed. (Article 1, section IX)
On February 9, a surprised Jefferson Davis learns he has been elected provisional president of the newly-formed Confederate States of America; his vice-president is Alexander Stephens of Georgia. The two are considered moderate enough to please the legislatures of the remaining Southern states which have not yet seceded.
On the 4th of March, 1861, Abraham Lincoln is inaugurated as the nation's 16th president. In his address he reiterated his stance, and what he believed the stance of the nation should be, namely non-interference with slavery where it existed, and preventing slavery to spread in the territories, and above all was his stand to preserve the Union. The substance of what he said was conciliatory, but it also mentioned the obvious:
- "In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it." 
After communications between Fort Sumter and Charleston broke down over quietly surrendering the fort, Confederate General P.G.T. Beauregard knew reinforcing the fort was certain, and he may have been aware of a supply ship already on its way from Norfolk. He ordered the fort shelled on April 12, 1861; the honor of firing the first gun went to an ardent secessionist from Virginia, 66-year-old Edmund Ruffin. The fort surrendered on April 14 after 36 hours of bombardment, the single fatality of the engagement was to a Union soldier, killed when a cannon exploded as they were readying a final salute. Major Anderson and his force were immediately paroled, and were allowed to leave on the supply ship a few hours later.
The American Civil War had begun.
- Alice E. Carter and Richard Jensen. The Civil War on the Web: A Guide to the Very Best Sites (2nd ed. 2003) excerpt and text search
- Rhodes, James Ford. History of the Civil War, 1861-1865 (1918)
For the best recent survey that is online and won the Pulitzer prize, see:
- McPherson, James M. Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988), 900 pages; excerpt and text search; also complete online edition
- Fellman, Michael et al. This Terrible War: The Civil War and its Aftermath (2nd ed. 2007), 544 pages
- Donald, David et al. The Civil War and Reconstruction (2001); 700 pages
- Time-Life Books The Civil War, vol. 1 (Brother Against Brother), Time Inc, New York (1983), popular history
- Time-Life Books The Civil War, vol. 15 (Gettysburg), Time Inc, New York (1983), popular history
- Nevins, Allan. Ordeal of the Union (1947-70), the most detailed history by a leading scholar
- Bowman, John S. (editor), The Civil War Almanac World Almanac Publications, New York (1985)
The Official Records of the War of the Rebellion
- Library of Congress Civil War map collection
- The Civil War Homepage
- The PBS/Ken Burns documentary
- The History Place
- Civil War at a Glance; US Interior Department
- Shotgun's home of the American Civil War
- US Civil War Center, from Louisiana State University
- Civil War Treasures, from New York Historical Society
- Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln
North and South
- Full text of the Dred Scott v. Sandford
- Missouri Compromise
- Kansas-Nebraska act
- Compromise of 1850
- Text of the Fugitive Slave Law
- text of speech by Sen. Jefferson Davis, Dec. 8, 1859
- Lecture on John Brown by Frederick Douglas
Emergence of Lincoln
1860 Presidential Campaign
- Jefferson Davis Inaugural speech, as reported in Harper's Weekly
- text of Lincoln's first inaugural speech
- Lincoln's second inaugural speech
- Constitution of the Confederate States
- ↑ (Bowman, pg 38)